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ICRC Granted Access to Visit Slahi

Guantanamo Diary

The International Committee of the Red Cross was finally allowed to visit Mohamedou Ould Slahi at Guantánamo in September 2004, after a long fight with the United States government. Its access ended a period in which representatives could neither find him nor establish where he was, but it did not make him feel safe enough to describe his treatment. The visit became a sharply limited form of contact: Slahi sought help sending and receiving mail, while withholding the account the visitors needed to investigate abuse.

Background: An Absence from the Visitors

Slahi recounts that the International Committee of the Red Cross had been deeply concerned about his situation but could not reach him when he most needed outside contact. Its representatives had tried to see him and to learn where he was; their efforts, he says, were repeatedly blocked. Only after a particular official left was a visit permitted. Slahi’s account therefore presents access not as a routine feature of detention but as something the authorities could withhold and later grant.

His earlier experience in Jordan offers a telling contrast. There, prison rules posted on a door stated that the International Committee of the Red Cross visited every fourteen days, while also forbidding prisoners to discuss their political cases with the visitors. Slahi learned that he was moved temporarily to a cellar during visits, then returned to his cell afterward. That episode took place in another country and at an earlier stage of his detention, but it clarifies the stakes of access in his account: the existence of a visiting schedule did not ensure that a detainee could be seen, or speak freely, when visitors arrived.

At Guantánamo, Slahi describes a similar separation between formal access and meaningful communication. He says officials responsible for the detainees’ conditions refused the International Committee of the Red Cross access to him, and that representatives were unable to reach him during the period in which his treatment was at its worst. When the visit finally took place, one representative told him, “You are the last detainee we had to fight to see. We have been able to see all other detainees,” making clear that his case had required a distinct and prolonged effort.

The Visit and the Limits of Testimony

The visitors urged Slahi to describe what had happened, explaining that they had spoken with other detainees who had been abused and needed his account to help prevent further abuse. They told him, “We cannot act if you don’t tell us what happened to you.” Their appeal made the visit’s purpose explicit: access could permit the International Committee of the Red Cross to hear directly from him, but action depended on what he was able to disclose.

Slahi did not give the account they sought. He said he was sorry, explained that he was interested in sending and receiving mail, and expressed gratitude for the help with correspondence. A senior representative who had traveled from Switzerland also tried to draw him into conversation about his treatment, but Slahi remained unwilling to speak about it. The visitors acknowledged his concern and respected his decision. Their restraint did not remove the pressure surrounding the interview; it recognized that, under the circumstances he describes, a detainee might choose not to provide information even when an independent organization was asking for it.

His reluctance had specific grounds. Although sessions with the International Committee of the Red Cross were supposedly private, Slahi says interrogators questioned him about his first conversation with the visitors. He truthfully told them what had been discussed. He later informed the visitors of this practice, and interrogators stopped asking about the content of those sessions. For Slahi, the change did not erase the earlier breach. It demonstrated that information exchanged in a supposedly private meeting could reach the people who controlled his detention.

Mistrust and the Meaning of Privacy

Slahi describes surveillance as a broader source of mistrust among detainees. Prisoners knew of cases in which people had been confronted with statements they had made to the International Committee of the Red Cross; they concluded that the meetings must have been monitored. Some therefore suspected that visitors in the organization’s clothing might themselves be interrogators, and many detainees refused to speak. Slahi also says that interrogators had posed as private journalists. These practices, as he presents them, helped turn a channel intended for communication into another uncertain encounter with institutional power.

The resulting tension could become open hostility: some visitors were cursed or spat on by detainees. Slahi does not portray that response as proof that the organization had failed to try. He explicitly says he could not blame its representatives and acknowledges their efforts. Instead, his account distinguishes the visitors’ intentions from their limited ability to change the government’s conduct. They could offer contact and ask for testimony, but he believed their presence alone had not shifted the course of his treatment.

That tension gives the visit its significance. The International Committee of the Red Cross was both a possible witness and, from Slahi’s perspective, an organization with little power to compel a change. He accepted its practical assistance with letters while declining to disclose the abuse he feared might lead to retaliation. His refusal was not a claim that nothing had happened; it was a limit on what he felt able to tell the visitors in a setting where confidentiality appeared compromised.

Narrative and Documentary Context

Slahi’s account places the visit within a longer history of isolation and controlled movement. At Guantánamo, he describes having been separated from other detainees, deprived of ordinary contact, and subjected to extended interrogation. In another episode, the Senate Armed Services Committee’s account of the interrogation plan describes a staged boat journey intended to make him believe he had been taken away from the island, followed by confinement in a specially prepared isolation hut at Camp Echo. These details do not establish what the Red Cross representatives could independently observe during their visit, but they show the wider environment in which Slahi weighed whether to speak.

The account also sits within a manuscript shaped by censorship. The editor explains that the annotations draw on the surrounding text, publicly available sources, declassified government documents, reporting, and investigations; they are not attempts to reconstruct classified passages. Records summarized by the Senate Armed Services Committee and the U.S. Department of Justice document a special interrogation plan and practices consistent with Slahi’s account of his treatment. That broader documentary corroboration should not be confused with independent confirmation of every detail of the Red Cross encounter. The visit remains narrated through Slahi’s testimony, including his explanation of why he withheld information.

The episode thus ends without a complete account to the visitors or a demonstrated resolution of the conditions that had kept them from him. What it records instead is the narrow opening created by their arrival: correspondence became possible, concern was expressed, and Slahi could explain why he did not feel able to speak. The difference between being visited and being able to testify safely is the defining fact of the encounter.